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The contin uous expansion of European discrimination law reveals its importance also in the harmonisation process. By new Labour Act No. 4857, anti‐discrimination law is inserted as a new chapter to Turkish labour law. The prohibition of discrimination on the ground of sex is regulated on the model of the 1976 Equal Treatment Directive. In respect of discrimination on the grounds of racial and ethnic origin, religion or belief, age, disability and sexual orientation, a general provision prohibiting discrimination is enacted. Up to date, these rules have not found a note worthy jurisprudential application.

The purpose of this paper is to revisit the celebrated conflict that lasted close to two decades and pitted the EU against the USA and against MFN suppliers of bananas. It starts by recalling the major turning points in the dispute and argues that the EU-USA conflict could largely be explained by the changing landscape on trade-policy making on both sides of the Atlantic. As to the EU-MFN grower dispute, it can be largely explained by uncertainty on the distribution of quota rents and on the reluctance to use economic analysis in the panel decisions. Econometric and simulation estimates are given in support of this argument.

Analytical interpretation of the conflict supported by graphical analysis. Econometric and simulation estimates to support the arguments.

The paper shows that the EU-MFN grower dispute is largely explained by uncertainty on the distribution of quota rents as result of the move away from region-specific quotas to tarification.

Lack of better data on transport costs and unreliable price data discussed in the paper is an important caveat only partly remedied through simulation analysis.

The use of the simple and transparent models here would have helped the panel reach an informed decisions on what tariff would have preserved the same market shares for MFN growers of bananas.

This is the first thorough political-economy review of the dispute since the often cited paper: Cadot and Webber, (2002) “Banana splits: policy process, particularistic interests, political capture, and money in transatlantic trade politics.”

Places the concept of “national order” in the context of seventeenth century Europe, describes its characteristics and relates it to mercantilism, i.e. using economic activity to serve the interests of the nation. Outlines the ideas of one merchant of this time, quoting from his writings to illustrate his beliefs in the need for a favourable balance of trade, use of idle resources, minimization of consumption etc. Contrasts his “patriotic economics” with modern ideas (e.g. the principle of comparative advantage) but sees some similarities, e.g. in the recurring trade disputes between the USA and Japan.

The purpose of this paper is to explore how conflict/war and its political economic and socio-cultural reflections influenced Turkish-Cypriot advertisements. It provides an analysis of the Turkish-Cypriot advertisements during 1940–1974, which was characterised by intermittent inter-ethnic armed conflict, to illuminate how they are related to the commercial, political, economic and socio-cultural unravelling of the era.

Compositional interpretation and social semiotic analysis (Rose, 2016) with a critical lens have been adopted as research design. Social, cultural, economic and political conditions of the time were also used in the analysis.

Firstly, this paper shows that the advertisements increased in complexity although very incrementally through the studied period, especially in comparison to the advertising of the countries that directly influenced the commercial sphere in Cyprus such as Britain, Greece and Turkey. Secondly, this paper shows that the advertisement messages were directly shaped by key events in the socio-political realm. Especially during the 1940s (British rule) and the bicommunal Republic of Cyprus era, the Turkish-Cypriot community newspapers featured a cosmopolitan range of advertisements paid for by Greek-Cypriot, Armenian-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot businesses. After 1963, when the armed conflict began and the communities retreated to separate parts of the capital city, the featured advertisements mostly reverted back to the 1950s political economic agenda: firstly, they intended to build ethno-community consciousness by transforming Turkish-Cypriots who were scattered around in different towns, villages and cities into a public/community; secondly, they were used in developing the burgeoning Turkish-Cypriot business enterprises and the making of a consumer class.

As no such study was conducted so far, this paper shows, through the continued and increasing existence and variety of the advertisements printed in Turkish-Cypriot newspapers, the trajectory with which the Turkish-Cypriots met the consumption codes of the era under armed conflict. Secondly, the authors observe the “state” authority (in this case, the community administration) directly and indirectly influences both the business agenda and the building of community consciousness. Thirdly, the authors show that the Turkish-Cypriot community had normalised commerce under armed-conflict.

This study aims to investigate the influences of global uncertainty indicators volatility on the domestic socioeconomic and environmental vulnerability in a sample of 54 developing countries.

The two-step system generalized method of moments estimator is recruited to deal with autoregression and endogeneity matter in our dynamic panel data. Seven different global uncertainty indicators (US trade uncertainty; world trade uncertainty; economic policy uncertainty; world commodities and oil prices; the geopolitical risk index and the world uncertainty index) have been mobilized and compared for their empirical impact on the economic (growth and GDP), social (the misery index and income inequality) and environmental (CO₂ emissions) vulnerabilities of nations.

Our empirical estimations suggest that the socioeconomic and environmental vulnerability cannot be solved through the same pattern: all decrease of a particular aspect will necessarily have a cost and an opposite influence on at least one of the other aspects of the nations' vulnerability.

The originality of this article is to combine these three dimensions of vulnerability in the same investigation. To our knowledge, our research is one of the few providing a joint analysis of the influence of global uncertainty on the economic and socioenvironmental countries' vulnerabilities – given the fact social, economic and environmental aspects are at the heart of the UN sustainable goals, our study can be seen as an investigation of the nations' capabilities to work proactively on meaningful sustainable goals in an increasingly uncertain world.